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9 Mayıs 2010 Pazar

Yunanistan - Çarşamba olaylarına dair dürüstçe ne düşünüyoruz?

Tarihe düşülen bir not , dikkate alınması gereken  bir bakış açısı olması;ve sorumluluklarımız gereği  aşağıdaki yazıyı  yayımlıyoruz...

Anarşist/anti-otoriter hareket için Çarşamba (5/5) gerçekleşen olaylar dürüstçe ne anlama geliyor? O üç insanın ölümleri karşısında nasıl duracağız – buna neden olana hiç bakmadan? Mücadelede insanlar ve halk olarak nerede duruyoruz? Polis veya devlet terörünin “birbirinden ayrı olaylar” olarak gördüğü şeyleri kabul etmeyen ve gündelik temelde devletin ve kapitalist sistemin uyguladığı şiddete işaret eden bizler. Şeyleri isimleriyle anma cesareti olan bizler; polis karakolunda göçmenlere işkence yapanları ya da büyüleyici ofisler ve TV stüdyoları içerisinde yaşamlarımızla oynayanları ifşa eden bizler. O halde şimdi ne söylemeliyiz?

Bizler Banka Çalışanları Sendikasının (OTOE) yayınladığı açıklamaların veya banka şubesi çalışanlarının suçlamalarının arkasına saklanabiliriz; merhumların hiçbir yangın güvenliği olmayan bir binada kalmaya zorlandıkları ve hatta kilitlendikleri gerçeği üzerinde yoğunlaşmaya devam edebiliriz. Banka sahibi Vgenopoulos'un ne kadar aşağılık biri olduğunu söylemeye devam edebiliriz; ya da bu trajik olayın benzeri görülmemiş bir baskı furyasına fırsat vereceğine odaklanabiliriz. Çarşamba akşamı Exarcheia'dan her kim geçmeye cesaret ederse bununla ilgili net bir resim gözünde canlanabilir. Ancak bu sorunun yattığı yer değildir.

Sorun bizim için bize düşen, hepimize düşen sorumlulukları paylaşmayı bilmektir. Hepimiz bağlantılı olarak sorumluyuz. Evet, bizlere dayatılan adaletsiz kemer sıkma politikalarına karşı iktidarlarımızla savaşmaya hakkımız vardır; Tüm gücümüzü ve yaratıcılığımızı daha iyi bir dünyaya adama hakkımız vardır. Fakat politikanın başladığı yerde, bizler politik seçimlerimizden her birinden, uygun gördüğümüz her araçtan ve kabul etmediğimiz zayıflıklarımızı ve hatalarımız karşısındaki sessizliğimizden eşit derecede sorumluyuz. Seçimlerde kazanmak için insanlara yalakalık yapmayan bizler, herhangi birini sömürmekle ilgilenmeyen bizler bu trajik şartlar altında kendimize ve çevremizdekilere dürüst olma kapasitemiz vardır.

Yunanistan anarşist hareketinin şu an deneyimlediği şey topyekün hissizliktir. Çünkü incitecek sert öz-eleştiri için baskı koşulları var. "Bizim tarafımızda", işçilerin tarafında olan insanların  – iş yerlerinde durumlar biraz farklı olsa muhtemelen yanımızda yürüyecek olan ve aşırı derecede zor koşullar altındaki işçiler – ölmüş olduğu korkunç gerçeğinin ötesinde bu işçiler halkın yaşamlarını tehlikeye atan göstericilerle böylelikle karşı karşıya geldiler. Öldürmek için kasıt olsa bile (ve bunda herhangi bir sorgu yoksa), bu çok fazla tartışma gerektiren temeli olan bir durumdur – hedeflediğimiz amaçları ve seçtiğimiz araçları ilgilendiren bazı tartışmalar.

Olay gece bir sabotaj eyleminde gerçekleşmiyor. Yunanistan tarihindeki en büyük gösterisinde gerçekleşiyor. Ve burada bir dizi acı dolu soru beliriyor: Tam 150-200,000 kişilik bir gösteride, son bir kaç yılda eşi benzeri görülmemiş, "geliştirilmiş" şiddete gerçekten gerek var mıydı? Binlerin "Yakın, Parlamentoyu yakın" dediğini ve polislere küfür ettiğini gördüğünüzde, yanmış başka bir banka harekete gerçekten daha fazla şey mi katar?

Hareketin kendisi muazzam boyuta geldiğinde  – Aralık 2008 gibi diyelim – bir eylem ne getirir, şayet bu eylem bir toplumun alabileceğinin limitlerini aşarsa (en azından şu anda), ya da şayet bu eylem insanların hayatlarını tehlikeye atarsa?

Sokakları ele geçirdiğimizde çevremizdeki insanlar arasında tekiz; bizler onların tarafından, onların yanında, onlarla birlikteyiz – bu, günün sonunda, metinleri yazmamızın, posterleri asmamızın sebebidir – ve kendi sözlerimiz bir çoğunu yakınlaştıran tek bir değişkendir. Şiddet hakkında açıkça konuşmamızın ve geçtiğimiz bir kaç yılda Yunanistan'da gelişen spesifik bir şiddet kültürünü eleştirel olarak incelememizin zamanı gelmiştir. Hareketimiz kendi politik ekleminden ziyade bazen kullandığı dinamik araçlardan dolayı güçlenemiyor. Aralık 2008, sadece binler greve gitti, taş ve molotof attı diye değil büyük ölçüde politik ve sosyal karakteristiğinden dolayı tarihe geçti – ve bu düzeyde kendi zengin mirasından dolayı. Tabii ki, bize uygulanan şiddete cevap vereceğiz ama henüz kendimizin ve onların limitlerinin farkında bir biçimde uygun gördüğümüz araçlarla politik seçimlerimiz hakkında konuşmaya ihtiyacımız var.

Özgürlükten bahsettiğimizde, bu, dün özümsediğimiz şeyden her an şüphe duyacağımız anlamına gelir. Her yola gidebilmekten çekinmeyiz ve bazı klişe politik sözlerden kaçınarak şeylerin gözlerine doğrudan bakabilmeliyiz. Şiddeti kendi başına bir amaç olarak benimsemediğimizden dolayı bizler eylemlerimizin politik boyutlarına gölge düşürmemiz gerektiği açıktır. Bizler ne katiliz ne de evliya. Zayıflıklarımız ve hatalarımızla bizler sosyal bir hareketin parçalarıyız. Bugün, Böyle muazzam bir gösteriden sonra daha güçlü hissetmek yerine bizler bir şeyler söylemeyecek kadar hissiziz. Bu kendi içinde çok anlamlıdır. Bu trajik deneyimi vicdan muhasebesine çevirmek ve günün sonundan bu yana birbirimize ilham vermek zorundayız, hepimiz bilinçlerimizle eyliyoruz. Ve böyle bir kolektif bilincin işlenmesi menfaatimizedir.


What do we honestly have to say about Wednesday’s events?

What do the events of Wednesday (5/5) honestly mean for the anarchist/anti-authoritarian movement? How do we stand in the face of the deaths of these three people – regardless of who caused them? Where do we stand as humans and as people in struggle? Us, who do not accept that there are such things as “isolated incidents” (of police or state brutality) and who point the finger, on a daily basis, at the violence exercised by the state and the capitalist system. Us, who have the courage to call things by their name; us who expose those who torture migrants in police stations or those who play around with our lives from inside glamorous offices and TV studios. So, what do we have to say now?

We could hide behind the statement issued by the Union of Bank Workers (OTOE) or the accusations by employees of the bank branch; or we could keep it at the fact that the deceased had been forced to stay in a building with no fire protection – and locked up, even. We could keep it at what a scum-bag is Vgenopoulos, the owner of the bank; or at how this tragic incident will be used to leash out some unprecedented repression. Whoever (dared to) pass through Exarcheia on Wednesday night already has a clear picture of this. But this is not where the issue lies.

The issue is for us to see what share of the responsibilities falls on us, on all of us. We are all jointly responsible. Yes, we are right to fight with all our powers against the unjust measures imposed upon us; we are right to dedicate all our strength and our creativity toward a better world. But as political beings, we are equally responsible for every single one of our political choices, for the means we have impropriated and for our silence every time that we did not admit to our weaknesses and our mistakes. Us, who do not suck up to the people in order to gain in votes, us who have no interest in exploiting anyone, have the capacity, under these tragic circumstances, to be honest with ourselves and with those around us.

What the greek anarchist movement is experiencing at the moment is some total numbness. Because there are pressurising conditions for some tough self-criticism that is going to hurt. Beyond the horror of the fact that people have died who were on “our side”, the side of the workers – workers under extremely difficult conditions who would have quite possibly chosen to march by our side if things were different in their workplace – beyond this, were are hereby also confronted with demonstrator/s who put the lives of people in danger. Even if (and this goes without question) there was no intention to kill, this is a matter of essence that can hold much discussion – some discussion regarding the aims that we set and the means that we chose.

The incident did not happen at night, at some sabotage action. It happened during the largest demonstration in contemporary greek history. And here is where a series of painful questions emerge: Overall, in a demonstration of 150-200,000, unprecedented in the last few years, is there really a need for some “upgraded” violence? When you see thousands shouting “burn, burn Parliament” and swear at the cops, does another burnt bank really have anything more to offer to the movement?

When the movement itself turns massive – say like in December 2008 – what can an action offer, if this action exceeds the limits of what a society can take (at least at a present moment), or if this action puts human lives at danger?

When we take to the streets we are one with the people around us; we are next to them, by their side, with them – this is, at the end of the day, why we work our arses off writing texts and posters – and our own clauses are a single parameter in the many that converge. The time has come for us to talk frankly about violence and to critically examine a specific culture of violence that has been developing in Greece in the past few years. Our movement has not been strengthened because of the dynamic means it sometimes uses but rather, because of its political articulation. December 2008 did not turn historical only because thousands picked up and threw stones and molotovs, but mainly because of its political and social characteristics – and its rich legacies at this level. Of course we respond to the violence exercised upon us, and yet we are called in turn to talk about our political choices as well as the means we have impropriated, recognising our -and their – limits.

When we speak of freedom, it means that at every single moment we doubt what yesterday we took for granted. That we dare to go all the way and, avoiding some cliché political wordings, to look at things straight into the eye, as they are. It is clear that since we do not consider violence to be an end to itself, we should not allow it to cast shadows to the political dimension of our actions. We are neither murderers nor saints. We are part of a social movement, with our weaknesses and our mistakes. Today, instead of feeling stronger after such an enormous demonstration we feel numb, to say the least. This in itself speaks volumes. We must turn this tragic experience into soul-searching and inspire one another since at the end of the day, we all act based on our consciousness. And the cultivation of such a collective consciousness is what is at stake.



Αλήθεια, εμείς τι έχουμε να πούμε για τα γεγονότα της Τετάρτης;

Τι σημαίνουν αλήθεια για τον αναρχικό/ αντιεξουσιαστικό χώρο τα γεγονότα της Τετάρτης 5/5; Πώς στεκόμαστε απέναντί τους, ανεξάρτητα από ποιούς προκλήθηκαν; Ως άνθρωποι και ως κοινωνικοί αγωνιστές. Για μας που δεν δεχόμαστε ότι υπάρχουν μεμονωμένα περιστατικά και που στιγματίζουμε καθημερινά τη βία που ασκεί πάνω μας το κράτος και το καπιταλιστικό σύστημα. Για μας που έχουμε το θάρρος να λέμε τα πράγματα με το όνομά τους, και ξεμπροστιάζουμε όσους βασανίζουν μετανάστες σε αστυνομικά τμήματα ή παίζουν με τις ζωές μας από πολυτελή γραφεία και τηλεπαράθυρα. Τώρα λοιπόν τι έχουμε να πούμε;

Θα μπορούσαμε να κρυφτούμε πίσω από την ανακοίνωση της ΟΤΟΕ ή τις καταγγελίες υπαλλήλων του τραπεζικού υποκαταστήματος και να μείνουμε στο ότι οι εκλιπόντες είχαν εξαναγκαστεί να μείνουν μέσα σ’ ένα κτίριο χωρίς πυρασφάλεια, και δη κλειδωμένοι. Θα μπορούσαμε να μείνουμε στο τι καθίκι είναι ο Βγενόπουλος και στο πώς πατώντας πάνω σ’ αυτό το τραγικό περιστατικό θα επακολουθήσει μια καταστολή άνευ προηγουμένου. Όποιος (τόλμησε να) περάσει χθες από τα Εξάρχεια έχει ήδη μια εικόνα. Αλλά δεν είναι εκεί το ζήτημα.

Το ζήτημα είναι να δούμε τι ευθύνες μας αναλογούν. Σε όλους μας. Είμαστε όλοι συνυπεύθυνοι. Ναι έχουμε δίκιο που αντιδρούμε με όλες μας τις δυνάμεις απέναντι στα άδικα μέτρα που μας επιβάλλουν, που αφιερώνουμε όλη μας τη δύναμη και τη δημιουργικότητα για έναν καλύτερο κόσμο. Αλλά είμαστε εξίσου υπεύθυνοι ως πολιτικά υποκείμενα για όλες μας τις πολιτικές επιλογές, για τα μέσα που έχουμε οικειοποιηθεί και για τη σιωπή μας όσες φορές δεν παραδεχτήκαμε τις αδυναμίες και τα λάθη μας. Εμείς που δεν γλείφουμε τον κοσμάκη για να κερδίσουμε ψήφους, που δεν έχουμε κανένα συμφέρον να εκμεταλλευτούμε κάποιον, έχουμε μέσα σε αυτή την τραγική συγκυρία τη δυνατότητα να είμαστε ειλικρινείς με τον εαυτό μας και τους γύρω μας.

Αυτό που βιώνει το ελληνικό α/α κίνημα αυτή τη στιγμή είναι ένα απόλυτο μούδιασμα. Διότι είναι πιεστικές οι συνθήκες για μια σκληρή αυτοκριτική που θα πονέσει. Πέρα από τη φρίκη του ότι πέθαναν άνθρωποι από «τη δική μας πλευρά», την πλευρά των εργαζομένων υπό πολύ σκληρές συνθήκες, που ενδεχομένως να είχαν επιλέξει να συμπορευτούν μαζί μας αν ήταν αλλιώς τα πράγματα στη δουλειά τους, εδώ έχουμε διαδηλωτή/ές που έθεσε σε κίνδυνο κόσμο. Αν και ασυζητητί δεν υπήρξε καμία ανθρωποκτόνος πρόθεση, το ζήτημα είναι πολύ ουσιαστικό και σηκώνει μεγάλη συζήτηση για τους σκοπούς που θέτουμε και τα μέσα που επιλέγουμε.

Το περιστατικό δεν συνέβη νύχτα, σε μια κίνηση σαμποτάζ. Συνέβη κατά τη διάρκεια της μεγαλύτερης κινητοποίησης της σύγχρονης ελληνικής ιστορίας. Κι εδώ είναι που γεννιούνται μια σειρά από επίπονα ερωτήματα: Γενικά σε μια πορεία 150-200 χιλιάδων, άνευ προηγουμένου τα τελευταία χρόνια, είναι απαραίτητη μια “αναβαθμισμένη” βία; Όταν βλέπεις χιλιάδες να φωνάζουν να καεί η Βουλή και να βρίζουν τους μπάτσους, έχει αλήθεια τίποτα παραπάνω να προσφέρει μια καμένη τράπεζα στο κίνημα; Όταν το ίδιο το κίνημα γίνεται μαζικό -καλή ώρα σαν τον Δεκέμβρη- σε τι προσφέρει μια ενέργεια αν ξεπερνάει τα όρια που μπορεί να αντέξει μια κοινωνία (τουλάχιστον στην παρούσα φάση) ή που θέτει ανθρώπινες ζωές σε κίνδυνο; Όταν κατεβαίνουμε στο δρόμο είμαστε όλοι ένα με τον κόσμο στο πλευρό μας, είμαστε δίπλα του, μαζί του –γι’ αυτό άλλωστε ξεσκιζόμαστε να γράφουμε κείμενα και αφίσες– και οι δικοί μας όροι, είναι μία παράμετρος στις πολλές που συναντιούνται. Έφτασε η στιγμή να μιλήσουμε για τη βία έξω από τα δόντια και να παρατηρήσουμε κριτικά την κουλτούρα της βίας που αναπτύσσεται στην Ελλάδα τα τελευταία χρόνια. Το κίνημά μας δεν έχει ισχυροποιηθεί λόγω των δυναμικών μέσων που ενίοτε χρησιμοποιεί αλλά χάρη στον πολιτικό του λόγο. Ο Δεκέμβρης δεν έμεινε στην ιστορία μόνο επειδή σήκωσαν και πέταξαν χιλιάδες πέτρες και μολότοφ, αλλά κυρίως για τα πολιτικοκοινωνικά του χαρακτηριστικά και την πλούσια παρακαταθήκη του σε αυτό το επίπεδο. Βεβαίως και αντιδρούμε στη βία που ασκείται πάνω μας, αλλά καλούμαστε κι εμείς με τη σειρά μας να μιλήσουμε για τις πολιτικές μας επιλογές, αλλά και για τα μέσα που οικειοποιηθήκαμε, αναγνωρίζοντας τα όριά μας και τα όριά τους.

Όταν μιλάμε για ελευθερία, σημαίνει ότι κάθε στιγμή αμφισβητούμε ό,τι θεωρούσαμε δεδομένο μέχρι χθες. Ότι τολμάμε να μπήξουμε το μαχαίρι ως το κόκκαλο και αποφεύγοντας έναν κλισέ πολιτικό λόγο, κοιτάμε κατάματα τα πράγματα ως έχουν. Είναι σαφές ότι αφού δεν θεωρούμε ότι η βία είναι αυτοσκοπός, δεν πρέπει να την αφήσουμε να επισκιάσει την πολιτική διάσταση των πράξεών μας. Δεν είμαστε ούτε δολοφόνοι ούτε άγιοι. Ένα κομμάτι ενός κοινωνικού κινήματος είμαστε, με τις αδυναμίες και τα λάθη μας. Σήμερα αντί να νιώθουμε δυνατοί μετά από μια τόσο μεγάλη πορεία, νιώθουμε (το λιγότερο) μουδιασμένοι. Αυτό από μόνο του λέει πολλά. Πρέπει να μετουσιώσουμε αυτή την τραγική εμπειρία σε προβληματισμό και να εμπνεύσουμε ο ένας τον άλλον, διότι εντέλει όλοι πράττουμε κατά συνείδηση. Και η καλλιέργεια αυτής της συλλογικής συνείδησης είναι το μεγάλο διακύβευμα.

Kaynak: Occupied Londo